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Rising
Ambitions, Expanding Terrain Number
21, Fall 2004/Winter 2005
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Book Reviews
Reviewed by Christopher Long
Pevsner on Art and Architecture
The Radio Talks
by Nikolaus Pevsner
Edited and and with introduction by Stephen Games
London: Methuen, 2002
When
Nikolaus Pevsner arrived in England in late 1933 as a
refugee from Nazi Germany, he was virtually unknown. Although he had lectured
for several years at Göttingen University and published an authoritative
book on Italian Mannerist and Baroque painting (Die italienische Malerei
vom Ende der Renaissance bis zum augehenden Rokoko [1927]), Pevsner
did not share the lofty reputation of his more noted fellow exile scholars
from Central Europe—Erwin Panofsky, Fritz Saxl, Rudolf Wittkower,
and Ernst Gombrich. Three decades later, Pevsner had become, along with
Gombrich and Kenneth Clark, perhaps the most recognized authority on the
history of art in Britain. He was the first Slade Professor of Fine Art
at Cambridge to be reappointed for a second term and the first reappointed
to the Slade Professorship at Oxford. He was the author of the most widely
read English-language book on Modern architecture, Pioneers of the
Modern Movement (1936; republished in 1949 as Pioneers of Modern
Design), and of the forty-six-volume Penguin guide, the Buildings
of England, known to most simply as “Pevsner.” He had also become,
in large part due to his radio talks for the BBC over three decades, from
the end of World War II to the late 1970s, one of the most visible “public
intellectuals” of the postwar years.
Pevsner's spectacular ascent to the Olympian heights of the British academic
world was the result of an almost frantic work regimen. In addition to
the Buildings of England (which would have more than filled the
careers of most ordinary mortals), he authored several textbooks and numerous
scholarly works, and was a regular contributor to, and, for a time, editor
of, the Architectural Review. He was also founding editor of
The Pelican History of Art and The Buildings of Ireland,
Scotland and Wales, and he took on various consulting jobs, one of
which resulted in the publication, in 1937, of An Enquiry into Industrial
Art in England, a landmark examination of the state of modern design
in the country.
But it was less Pevsner's prodigious output than his ability to communicate
his ideas clearly and forcefully that was responsible for his success.
Throughout his life, he sought to heighten and extend the public's understanding
of art and architecture by making them seem ordinary—or, at least,
graspable—for those willing to make a small effort. In Pevsner's
writings, the heady problems of art become vignettes about which one could
make judgments and take positions. His prose is always a splendid amalgam
of careful erudition, remarkable insight, scholarly conjecture, and unfettered
opinion. To read Pevsner is to enter immediately into a dialogue, at times
comfortable and affirming, at others, annoying and off-putting.
Anyone who has spent time with Pioneers of Modern Design knows
what a brilliant and vexing work it is. It was based on a series of lectures
Pevsner presented at Göttingen shortly before he departed for England.
Pevsner is often incorrectly credited, as Stephen Games writes in his
perceptive introduction to Pevsner on Art and Architecture, with
first “assembling the chain of events that led from English utilitarianism
to German functionalism” (xxii). But while Pioneers is not an
entirely original book—many of its arguments are anticipated in
Hermann Muthesius's Stilarchitektur und Baukunst, published in
1902, and in other pre-World War I writings)—it does offer, on first
reading at least, a lucid account of Modern architecture's early origins.
Yet the book raises far more questions than it answers. How do French
and Belgian Art Nouveau lead to German functionalism? How do two currents
so seemingly in opposition—the new engineering of the 19th century,
with its faith in science and the machine, and the Arts and Crafts movement,
which sought to deny industrialization and rampant Capitalism—both
fuel the rise of Modern design? Pevsner's answer, that all were the expression
of a new Zeitgeist, is reassuring to some degree, but it also insistently
begs the question.
"His prose is always a
splendid amalgam of careful erudition, remarkable insight, scholarly conjecture,
and unfettered opinion. To read Pevsner is to enter immediately into a
dialogue, at times comfortable and affirming, at others, annoying and
off-putting."
Pevsner's recourse to the “spirit of the age” runs through many of his
writings. It allowed him, as Games notes, “to connect national differentiation
in mid-thirteenth-century architecture with the experience of Crusader
knights, and to write of the late eighteenth century as a period when
artists 'were no longer satisfied with being servants of the ruling class'
and a new type of patron emerged, 'self-made, self-assured and cultured'”
(xix). Such “loose” scholarship by today's standards was very much part
of the German academic world of Pevsner's earliest years, and it became
a highly elastic tool for those engaged in the Geisteswissenschaften
(the humanities, or, literally, the “sciences of the spirit”) to fashion
broad and sweeping visions of the past, present, and future. On the one
hand, it could offer, in the hands of a historian like Jakob Burckhardt,
an extraordinary panorama of an entire era like the Renaissance. But too
often it led to the sort of cursory reading one finds in works like Egon
Friedell's Die Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit (The Cultural
History of Mankind, 3 vols., 1927-1932) or, worse, to the rabid nationalist
drivel of Hitler's Mein Kampf.
Even Pevnser, who was born into an assimilated Jewish family and converted
to Evangelical Lutherism when he was in his late teens, was not immune
to the lure of German nationalism. Like many German intellectuals of the
early 1930s, he was powerfully drawn to the Nazis' promise of political
and spiritual redemption. He told one refugee worker he met in Birmingham
in 1933, “There is much that is Puritan and moral in the [Nazi] movement—a
great drive is to be made against luxury, vice and corruption. . . . For
fifteen years we have been humiliated by outside Powers. No wonder that
Hitler appeals to our youth when he tells them to believe in themselves
again, that the future is theirs to mould, that if they are united Germany
will no longer be the pariah of the world” (xxiv). That it was a Nazi
edict that suspended his teaching privileges and forced him into exile
should have forced Pevsner to reevaluate his views, but as late as 1934
he was writing articles in the German press defending Josef Goebbels and
the principle of the state's right to determine cultural policy.
Pevsner did part company with the Nazis on the question of Modernism.
Though he shared with Hitler and most of the Nazi leadership a disdain
for abstract art, he remained an enthusiastic supporter of Gropius and
the Bauhaus. Nonetheless, an essential element of Pevsner's belief in
the importance of Modern architecture was that it was neither “personal”
nor “subjective.” The new century, he wrote in the first edition of Pioneers
of the Modern Movement, “leaves less space for self-expression than
did any period before” (quoted in Games's introduction, xxiii). Modernism
was a product of an “overpowering collective energy,” and, because it
was “a genuine style as opposed to a passing fashion,” it was also “totalitarian.”
(When the book was republished after the war, some of the shriller language
was altered and Pevsner's call for a new totalitarian art was concealed
behind a less threatening trend toward “universalism.”)
Pevsner was careful, however, not to talk about politics in public, and
in the years after World War II he made the successful transition from
an immigrant with a suspect past to a beloved national figure. He accomplished
this feat of self-transformation in part through his radio talks for the
BBC beginning in early 1945. At first, as Games notes, Pevsner's broadcasts
were not a success. The problem rested not with his faint German accent,
but, rather, with the fact that he sounded too strident, wooden, and unintentionally
condescending. Over time, he found a friendlier and lighter tone, and
when the BBC launched its “Third Programme,” which was devoted to more
highbrow fare, Pevsner became a fixture of the broadcasts.
"The wonderful sense of intimacy and familiarity one finds in his prose is a reflection of his delight in learning, in thinking, and in discussing. In a time when reading much of our scholarship is more chore than pleasure, maybe we, too, should follow Pevsner's lead."
The forty-five written texts Games has collected in this book represent
about half of Pevsner's radio talks. Games standardized the spelling,
usage, and punctuation but otherwise has reproduced the essays as originally
written. About a third of the texts focus on art, the remainder on architecture.
Though they span most of the history of art since the Middle Ages, the
majority center on the 19th and 20th centuries. There are lectures on
Victorian architecture, John Ruskin, William Morris, Antoni Gaudí, the
Viennese Secessionists, the problem of revivalism, and the state of architecture
in the 1960s. All bear the hallmarks of Pevnser's prose style: at once
informed, cultured, interesting, and sometimes elegant.
But why read Pevsner today? After all, many of his positions are dated
now, and some of Pevsner's scholarship has been superseded by more recent
research. One reason certainly is that these essays offer remarkable insight
into the architectural discourse of the last century. In his 1961 talk,
“The Return of Historicism,” for example, he describes—with some
alarm—the reappearance of a new “emotionalism” in the works of Le
Corbusier, Jörn Utzon, Eero Saarinen, and others. Tellingly, Pevsner ascribes
this wave of “neo-Expressionism” to the failure of Modernism itself: “The
style,” he writes, “was too exacting, too perfectionist, too puritanical
and perhaps too inflexible to be a popular success. It was never wholly
accepted, certainly not in England or France, in the United States or
Italy; and in Germany, where more than anywhere it was accepted, Hitler
suppressed it” (273). This is a striking admission for one of Modernism's
most ardent supporters—and it speaks volumes about the collapse
in faith in the new architecture that began in the late 1950s. Pevsner
sounds the same themes again in a later essay, “The Anti-Pioneers,” broadcast
in 1966, in which he decries the appearance of an anti-rationalist architecture,
and what he writes at the end is both characteristic and wonderfully perceptive:
What is happening in architecture today is in the line of descent of the
High Victorian Style, of Art Nouveau and of Expressionism, not the International
Modern of Gropius and Mies. It is ill suited for most architecture now
because the majority of buildings are built of industrially produced—that
is, impersonal—materials, because the majority of buildings are built
for large numbers of anonymous clients and because the first concern of
the architect must therefore be with their practical and emotional needs
and not with the expression of his own personality. And finally, the style
of today is unlikely to last, just as Art Nouveau and Expressionism didn't
last, because phases of so excessively high a pitch of stimulation can't
last. We can't, in the long run, live our day-to-day lives in the midst
of explosions. (307)
This might be a fitting epitaph for Deconstructivism, but it also offers
an apt description of the dialectic of architecture in the machine age:
neither extreme—pure rationalism or unfettered romanticism—has proven
sustainable in the long run.
One of the most arresting sections of this book is the four-part series
on “How to Judge Victorian Architecture,” broadcast in July 1951. As an
early and committed devotee of Modernism, Pevsner naturally found little
to like about the architecture of the Victorian era. His judgment is summary:
not only was there “an intrinsic deficiency in all Victorian architecture,”
but that it also represented “a very real collapse in values” (87). The
failure of Victorian architecture was the result of historicism, by which
Pevsner meant simply the inappropriate use of forms from former times.
Historicism in his view could be creative, but never legitimate. And that
failure in turn was the product of a misguided probing of the past. Historicism,
he writes, is “the hallmark of Victorian thought. The nineteenth century
is not a century of system-building as the eighteenth had been. It believed
in gathering data rather, masses and masses of data, and in leaving a
synthesis to the future” (92).
Here once more, Pevsner resorts to the idea of a Zeitgeist. The shortcomings
of the Victorians can be put down to their obsession with history and
with their inability to find more suitable responses, formal or intellectual,
to the challenges of industrialization. What is irritating is that he
is correct: the great problem of 19th-century architecture was the problem
of historical knowledge and what to do with it. But we now prefer much
more nuanced and detailed explanations, with ample equivocation, and few
scholars today would be comfortable making such brazen statements. We
now study periods like the Second Empire in France or the Edwardian era
in Britain on their own terms, and we seek to understand the motives and
thoughts of the various protagonists without falling into the trap of
our own cultural assumptions.
And yet it is on this point, where Pevsner is most difficult and exasperating,
that he has the most to teach us. The joy of reading these essays (one
would like even more to be able to listen to the original radio talks)
resides in the fact that he is unafraid to make sweeping generalizations
or to express opinions. It is much the same in the writings of Gombrich,
whose views, though often very far from Pevsner's, sprang from the same
cultural soil in the German-speaking world, and who writes with a similar
bravado. For both men, the discipline of art history was not merely an
academic undertaking, but a means to communicate wider lessons about history
and the human experience. It is precisely in their willingness to extrapolate
and to teach-to say something that was not merely empirical or readily
demonstrable—that much of the appeal of their works rests.
Pevsner recognized that the role of art history, in addition to being
a serious subject of its own, was to “uplift” and to serve as “background”
and a “parallel to history and modern languages” (161). But as he writes
in ”Reflections on Not Teaching Art History,” which coincided with the
beginning of his fourth year at Cambridge in 1952, he also saw his role
to “stand on a platform and talk about all that fascinates me” (155).
Pevsner's writings are indeed the outcome of, as we would say today, an
“inquiring mind,” one neither “compartmentalized” nor limited by the obligations
of disciplinarity. He saw it as his obligation to poke his nose into places
where it may not have belonged, and he felt entirely comfortable in doing
so. The wonderful sense of intimacy and familiarity one finds in his prose
is a reflection of his delight in learning, in thinking, and in discussing.
In a time when reading much of our scholarship is more chore than pleasure,
maybe we, too, should follow Pevsner's lead.
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